In an interview with the Hawzah News Agency, Hojatoleslam Mohammad Reza Jabbari, a professor of Islamic history, discussed the false claimants to prophethood, the impact of the Islamic conquests on the structure of Muslim society, and the mutual services rendered between Islam and Iran.
Political and Economic Motives Behind the False Prophethood Movement
In the final years of the Prophet's life, four individuals—three men and one woman—falsely claimed prophethood. Some of these movements continued for months after the Prophet's passing. Among the most notorious was Musaylima ibn Habib, known as Musaylima the Liar, from the Yamama region.
In the ninth year after the Hijra, delegations from various tribes across the Arabian Peninsula came to Medina, and the tribe of Musaylima was among them. Musaylima came to Medina with them and outwardly professed Islam. He even asked the Prophet, upon meeting him, to be named his successor and a prophet after him.
At that meeting, the Prophet held a palm branch in his hand. In response to Musaylima's request, he said he would not grant him even that much and did not consider him trustworthy—let alone the matter of prophethood, which is a divine affair. Thus, Musaylima's claim to prophethood began in the final years of the Prophet's life and continued after his passing.
One of the measures the post-Prophet government—the caliphate that had been improperly formed—was forced to take was confronting the sedition of the false prophets. Eventually, Muslims entered the field to suppress this sedition, and with the killing of Musaylima ibn Habib, the movement came to an end.
In the killing of Musaylima, Abu Dujana—a virtuous companion of the Prophet who had shown great bravery at the Battle of Uhud—played a role. He inflicted wounds on Musaylima but was himself martyred by him. The final blow was struck by Wahshi, the killer of Hamza, the Master of Martyrs. Wahshi himself recounted that at Uhud he had killed the best of people, Hamza, and in this battle, he had killed the worst of people, Musaylima. Thus, a few months after the passing of the Messenger of God, the sedition of Musaylima in Yamama was quelled.
Another figure in these events was a woman named Sajah from the Banu Tamim tribe. She too claimed prophethood and managed to gather many followers. After learning that Musaylima also claimed prophethood, Sajah went to him. In their meeting, Sajah and Musaylima married each other. What transpired in the tent between them is known only to God, but it is reported that the dowry for this marriage was the remission of the morning and evening prayers for the Muslim community.
After Musaylima was killed, Sajah fled to Basra. There is disagreement about her fate; some say she died in Basra, while others report varying accounts about her later life and whether she embraced Islam. What is clear is that she was not killed during the collapse of Musaylima's sedition.
The third figure was Taliha ibn Khuwaylid al-Asadi from the Banu Asad tribe, who also claimed prophethood and continued his claim after the Prophet's passing. With the suppression of his sedition, Taliha fled and later embraced Islam. He even participated in the conquests during the caliphate of the second caliph.
The fourth was Aswad al-Ansi from Yemen, who claimed prophethood in the final years of the Prophet's life. The Prophet sent someone to kill him. In this affair, Shahr ibn Bazan—a ruler of Yemen during the Sasanian era who had embraced Islam in the seventh year after the Hijra—played a role. His son, Shahr ibn Bazan, was killed by Aswad, and his wife was forcibly taken. This woman, along with others, managed to pave the way for Aswad's killing. Thus, after the Prophet's passing, this woman also played a role in Aswad's death, and his sedition came to an end.
In sum, these four individuals falsely claimed prophethood in the final years of the Prophet's life and the early period of Abu Bakr's caliphate, each meeting a different fate.
The Impact of Islamic Conquests on the Economic, Social, and Political Structures of Muslim Society
Another important topic in early Islamic history is the impact of Muslims' exposure to other cultures and civilizations on the structures of Islamic society. As Muslims conquered various lands and cities, they became familiar with the culture, customs, and governance methods of those peoples. This familiarity gradually affected the economic, social, and political structures of Islamic society.
To examine this issue, one must consider the conditions of Arabian society at the time of Islam's emergence. The Prophet appeared in a relatively simple society in Mecca and Medina—a society where ignorance (Jahiliya) prevailed in various dimensions. Particularly in Mecca and Yathrib, as Imam Ali (PBUH) described, ignorance was at its peak, and this condition extended even to civilizational aspects and appearances.
In the neighborhood of the Arabian Peninsula were two great states: Iran and Rome. Ignorance certainly existed in aspects of these societies as well, and evidence of it is available, but in terms of civilizational appearances, they were more advanced than Arabian Peninsula society. This was true of both Iran and Rome at the time, particularly the Eastern Roman Empire, which included the Levant.
The Muslim conquests in the Levant and Iranian lands—from Iraq to various parts of Iran—began during the caliphate period. This process expanded further during the second caliph's time, although it had begun during Abu Bakr's era, whose caliphate was short. During Umar's caliphate, conquests advanced in the Levant and Iran, and during Uthman's period, they expanded further, particularly in Iran.
These conquests paved the way for Muslims' familiarity with certain civilizational manifestations of other societies. For example, the establishment of administrative offices (diwans) and the administrative system, which was somewhat instituted and popularized during Umar's time, was among the developments that took shape as a result of familiarity with governance methods in Iran and other lands.
This process was not confined to the caliphate period but continued during the Umayyad era. Given their rule and greater familiarity with civilizational manifestations in the Levant, these appearances influenced the structure of Umayyad governance and paved the way for their further expansion.
Thus, in general, it can be said that civilizational appearances in the two states of Iran and Rome contemporary with the emergence of Islam were more advanced than in the Arabian Peninsula, and this fact influenced Muslims' familiarity with new governance methods and civilizational manifestations.
The World on the Eve of the Prophet's Mission: Understanding the Civilizational Conditions of Neighboring Lands
In continuation of this discussion, a book titled "The World on the Eve of the Mission" is introduced. It is the result of several years of joint work, published in two volumes by Hajr Publications. The first volume, titled "The Arabian Peninsula," is the result of my collaboration with Ali Hosseinzadeh, a contemporary researcher. The second volume, titled "Beyond the Arabian Peninsula," was compiled with the collaboration of Seyyed Hamed Niazi, another contemporary researcher.
The first volume examines the conditions of the Arabian Peninsula and evidence of ignorance in the region. The second volume is devoted to lands outside the Arabian Peninsula, covering the conditions of Iran, Rome, India, China, North Africa, and Japan.
In these two volumes, the state of ignorance in these regions is examined based on available reports. Studying these works can help provide a better understanding of the civilizational and cultural conditions of the world on the eve of the Prophet's mission and lay the groundwork for understanding what societies and manifestations Muslims encountered during the conquests and to what extent their subsequent developments could have been influenced by these encounters.
Mutual Services of Islam and Iran: How Did Iranians Become Promoters of Islam?
In examining the influence of Arab culture on other lands and what Muslims learned from other societies, the book "Mutual Services of Islam and Iran" by the esteemed martyr Morteza Motahhari is also important to introduce.
As the title suggests, the book discusses the mutual services between Islam and Iran—meaning it is not the case that only one side was influenced by the other; rather, both played a role in this interaction.
Iranians were more advanced in terms of civilizational appearances compared to Arabian Peninsula society, but they themselves were afflicted with the Magian religion and its various teachings and customs. Among the rituals and customs prevalent in Iran, particularly during the Sasanian period, some were extremely harsh and superstitious.
One of the important reasons Iranians themselves became preachers and promoters of Islam after becoming familiar with it was their encounter with the truth of Islam. But the more important question is examining the reason for the relative success of these individuals and why groups of people were drawn to them.
First, the motives of the claimants themselves must be examined. When these individuals observed that the Prophet, through their superficial view, was a person from Quraysh who claimed prophethood and ultimately managed to extend his authority across the Arabian Peninsula, they became greedy. They imagined that if they falsely claimed prophethood, they could achieve authority and resources just like the Prophet.
This factor was one of their most important motives, because their view of prophethood was superficial and worldly. Unfortunately, this same view can be observed in the Umayyads, Abu Sufyan, and Muawiyah. Abu Sufyan explicitly stated that they were in competition with the Banu Hashim, and a person from among the Banu Hashim rose, claimed prophethood, and succeeded. He never viewed the Prophet with a heavenly and doctrinal perspective and never brought true faith. This same view existed among the false claimants to prophethood.
Thus, superficial, political, and economic motives were important factors in the formation of these movements. They saw prophethood as a means to achieve power, resources, and social status.
As for the reason people were drawn to these individuals, several other factors must be considered. One was the influence of magic and soothsaying, as well as the superficiality of some people. These claimants tried to present themselves as possessing powers similar to the Prophet through tools such as magic and soothsaying, attracting simple-minded people to themselves.
For example, it is reported about Musaylima the Liar that he sometimes used magic. In one narration, the Prophet was informed that a well's water was not pleasant and was salty. Through his prayer, the Prophet caused the water of that well to become pleasant and cool. In contrast, when Musaylima reached a well, he spat into it, but the result was the opposite—the well's water became hot, salty, and bitter.
Another example was his attempt to rival the Quran. Musaylima attributed verses to himself but actually used Quranic verses and substituted other words. For instance, in response to Surah al-Fil, he presented ridiculous and meaningless phrases. Such actions were aimed at deceiving people and creating the impression that these individuals possessed miraculous powers like the Prophet.
Thus, for the claimants themselves, political and economic motives and the pursuit of power were at play, while for their followers, deception by superficial claims, magic, soothsaying, and the deceptive behavior of these individuals played a role.
Nevertheless, the sedition of these movements did not last long, and a few months after the passing of the Messenger of God, it was quelled through the sacrifices of Muslims who considered it their duty to confront these movements.
The Connection Between the Sedition of Apostates and False Prophets and the Matter of Imam Ali's Allegiance
Alongside the movement of false prophets, another sedition emerged known as the sedition of the apostates. A group of those who had outwardly embraced Islam in the final years of the Prophet's life declared apostasy after his passing. This movement, along with the issue of the false prophets, was among the important matters of that period.
In this context, attention must be paid to the matter of Imam Ali's two allegiances. Two allegiances are mentioned for him: the first was a forced allegiance, which was explained earlier. About fifty days after the passing of the Prophet, an attack on the house of Imam Ali and Lady Fatima (PBUH) took place, and Ali was forcibly taken to the mosque, where allegiance was taken from him. In this event, his hand was bound, and he was forcibly brought to give allegiance.
But some time later, another allegiance was taken from him, referred to as reluctant allegiance. There is a difference between compulsion and reluctance; in compulsion, a person is forced to do something, and the act is not performed by his own will, but in reluctance, a person performs an act by his own will, though his heart is not inclined toward it.
One of the factors that caused Imam Ali, some time after the martyrdom of Lady Fatima (PBUH), to go to Abu Bakr and give allegiance was these very conditions. At that time, people were not showing the necessary enthusiasm to go to the frontlines and confront the apostates. Therefore, the Imam took this step so that the government of Abu Bakr would be given a kind of legitimacy, people would recognize him as the official caliph of the Prophet, and they would participate in the frontlines, so that the sedition of the apostates and false prophets would be quelled.
Among the important evidence of this matter is the role of Iranians in compiling the main Shia and Sunni hadith collections. It may have been mentioned many times that Iranians, although they gradually became familiar with Islam in the first and second centuries after the Hijra in various regions, after this familiarity, they assumed the position of promoters and expanders of this religion.
The four main Shia hadith books were compiled by Iranians:
- The noble book "Al-Kafi" by the late Kulayni, from Rayy
- "Man La Yahduruhu al-Faqih" by the late Sheikh Saduq, from Qom
- "Al-Istibsar" by the late Sheikh Tusi
- "Tahdhib al-Ahkam" by the late Sheikh Tusi
Similarly, the six main Sunni hadith books were also written by Iranians:
- "Sahih Bukhari"
- "Sahih Muslim"
- "Sunan Ibn Majah"
- "Sunan al-Nasa'i"
- "Jami' al-Tirmidhi"
- "Sunan Abi Dawud"
Among these, Bukhari was from Bukhara, Muslim from Nishapur, Ibn Majah from Qazvin, Nasa'i from Nasa in Khorasan, Tirmidhi from Tirmidh in Khorasan, and Abu Dawud from Sijistan or present-day Sistan.
These hadith works are important evidence of the role of Iranians in promoting Islam, as they show that Iranians, after becoming familiar with Islam, encountered this religion as a precious and unparalleled gem and placed themselves on the path of promoting and expanding it.
In reality, although Muslims adopted certain civilizational appearances from other societies, Iranians embraced the essence of Islam and played an important role in promoting and expanding it. Martyr Motahhari's book also addresses these mutual services and the two-way influence between Islam and Iran.
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